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Please try again later. Shirin Ebadi, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize and a multitude of honours from various countries for her courageous and honourable stand for women's rights in a country notorious for it's poor human rights record. Herself, a qualified Judge, was stripped of her right to work in the area for which she was trained and suffered the indignities and frustration of her gender following the Revolution and establishment of the Islamic Republic, where women have been considered second rate citizens for centuries.
She has been constantly harassed, jailed on one occasion, as well as being on hit lists, and is currently protected by bodyguards in fear of her life. Her determination to help create a better Iran for her fellow citizens, all the while respecting her Religious beliefs makes for an incredible and admirable human being. Iran Awakening tells the story of her struggle for the recognition of women and for the rights of normal men and women under a Regime that is steadfast in it's beliefs.
The book is written without any sensationalism and is a quiet but powerful document on the problems in Iran. Intelligently and clearly written, I would urge anyone interested in world politics to read this book. Kindle Edition Verified Purchase. A well todo family educates its daughters and one becomes a lawyer.
Life is good until the revolution in the s. The manipulation of the Irianian government and rulers by the British and American Cia primes the populace for revolution and the return of clerical rule. The modern advances are repudiated and life becomes hard. Her story of life of a woman lawyer is harsh as the years pass and eventually she is jailed unjustly. An insiders story of the progression of the application of sharia law and the suppression of women. I have a Ph.
This covers some very crucial Iranian-American history that both countries need to acknowledge. I can't help but envision a series of meetings between the heads of both countries with Shirin Ebadi present to facilitate and urge both sides towards confession and reconciliation. I don't know how our two countries can possibly talk with each other productively until this mutual history is acknowledged and embraced in all its troublesome detail.
Of course this book is a wonderful portrait of a courageous and determined woman who risks everything in the name of human rights and is awarded a Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts. As moves towards , and as we settle into 4 more years with our newly elected president, and as there's all this sword rattling between America and Iran with Israel a focal point of it all , this book can inject some reality and sanity into the situation. I think this book is a more important read at this historical moment than when it was first published a few years ago.
Please read this and consider. Sometimes a book comes along that changes my thinking. This is one of those. Through it I have gained knowledge and understanding about Iran and it's political upheavals. I have also been given a glimpse into the lives of Iranian women.
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A Memoir of Revolution and Hope
I am a retired attorney so I was very interested in the life of Shirin Ebadi who is close to my age. Trained as a judge in Iran during the time of the Shaw, she took part in protest against his extravagant lifestyle. She was hopeful when the Ayatollah returned to Iran. It became quickly clear that women's lives would drastically change when he assumed power.
The life story of an Iranian lady judge, lawyer and activist full of courage and determination, who loves her country and has fought for law and justice, risking her life and ending in prison but never refuting her belief in the law, in human rights and the right of women. No wonder she received the Nobel prize for peace! This was an assigned reading for my class in Transnational Muslim Feminisms and I thoroughly enjoyed reading it.
It's a memoir so it's written kind of like Ebadi is going through her life and how it has affected the development of her perspective as a Muslim feminist and her narrative during the Iranian Revolution and following after it. It's a great read although I feel like there are many points where Ebadi doesn't necessarily consider her own privileged position. Interesting story about the author's life. I appreciated learning more about the view of America from someone who has lived through much of Iran's more recent history.
It's a fast easy read but that may have been at the expense of information and details about her life that seemed to be missing from this account. While she touches on the issues of her choice to stay in a country that constantly threatens her and her daughter's lives, I am still left wondering why. Perhaps this is because she doesn't say much positive about her experiences there. The same can be said about her marriage.
While her husband figures prominently in the beginning he is no where to be found by the end. See all 80 reviews. Most recent customer reviews. Published 5 months ago. Published 9 months ago. Published 10 months ago. Published 1 year ago. A young judge and pro-revolution activist under the repressive government of the shah, Ebadi says of the Iranian revolution, "We felt as if we had reclaimed a dignity that, until recently, many of us had not even realized we had lost. Ebadi provides a revealing glimpse into a deeply insular society.
She is at her best when discussing the hapless reform movement led by former president Khatami: Ebadi, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate, was part of the most liberated generation in Iran. She and a small cohort of other women students wore miniskirts and moved about freely.
Ebadi became the first woman judge in Iran, only to be forced out after the revolution. In her simply narrated memoir, she describes how she loyally remained in Iran as many members of the elite fled and how her experiences motivated her to struggle harder for justice and civil rights, a struggle that even extended to a lawsuit against the U. Department of Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control, which had issued regulations making it impossible for this memoir the product of an embargoed country to be published.
Despite her distinguished career and admirable courage, Ebadi has written a sketchy, somehow colorless story. Few of the people in it come to life, and at times she skims too lightly over complex issues or resorts to clich? Nonetheless, for the significant role Ebadi has played in Iran's recent history, this book belongs in larger public libraries and most general academic collections. Thank you for using the catalog. The winner of the Nobel Peace Prize is an advocate for the oppressed, whose spirit has remained strong in the face of political persecution. Best known here as the lawyer working tirelessly on behalf of Canadian photojournalist Zara Kazemi--raped, tortured and murdered in Iran--Dr.
The book chronicles her childhood in a loving, untraditional family, her upbringing before the Revolution that toppled the Shah, her marriage and her faith, as well as her life as a mother and lawyer battling an oppressive regime in the courts while bringing up her girls. Outspoken, controversial, Ebadi became the first female judge in Iran; when the religious authorities declared women unfit as judges, she fought her way back as a human rights lawyer, defending women and children in cases that most lawyers were afraid to represent.
Women lawyers -- Iran -- Biography. Women judges -- Iran -- Biography. Nobel Prize winners -- Biography. Summary The moving, inspiring memoir of one of the great women of our times, Shirin Ebadi, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize and advocate for the oppressed, whose spirit has remained strong in the face of political persecution and despite the challenges she has faced raising a family while pursuing her work. Booklist Review Most Americans date troubles with Iran to the overthrow of the shah and the day U.
Publisher's Weekly Review Human rights activist and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, Ebadi courageously recounts her life in Iran in this memoir, publishable here only after she brought the U. Excerpts chapter one A Tehran Girlhood My indulgent grandmother, who never spoke to us children in anything but honeyed tones of endearment, snapped at us for the first time on August 19, We were playing in the corner of the shadowed, lantern-lit living room when she turned on us with a stern expression and scolded us quiet.
It was the year before I started grade school, and my family was spending the summer at my father's spacious country home on the outskirts of Hamedan, a province in central western Iran where both of my parents were raised. My grandmother also owned property nearby, and the grandchildren gathered there each summer, playing hide-and-seek in the fruit orchards and returning by sunset to gather around the radio with the adults. I vividly recall that evening: They sat huddled around the radio, closer than usual, with rapt expressions, the copper bowls of dates and pistachios before them untouched.
To us children, this news meant nothing. We giggled at the downcast eyes and somber faces of the adults and scampered away from the still, funereal living room. The supporters of the shah who seized the national radio network announced that with the fall of Mossadegh the Iranian people had triumphed. For secular and religious Iranians, working class and wealthy alike, Mossadegh was far more than a popular statesman. To them, he was a beloved nationalist hero, a figure worthy of their zealous veneration, a leader fit to guide their great civilization, with its more than twenty-five hundred years of recorded history.
Two years prior, in , the prime minister had nationalized Iran's oil industry, until then effectively controlled by Western oil consortiums, who extracted and exported vast stores of Iranian oil under agreements that allotted Iran only a slim share of the profits. This bold move, which upset the West's calculations in the oil-rich Middle East, earned Mossadegh the eternal adoration of Iranians, who viewed him as the father figure of Iranian independence, much as Mahatma Gandhi was revered in India for freeing his nation from the British Empire.
Democratically elected to power by overwhelming consensus in , Mossadegh extended his popularity beyond the appeal of his nationalism. His open demands for freedom of the press, his penchant for conducting diplomacy from his bed, his Swiss education, and his Iranian savvy combined to enchant people, who saw in him a brilliant, cunning leader who embodied not just their aspirations but their intricate conception of self--like them, he was composed of seeming contradictions, aristocratic roots and populist ambitions, secular sensibilities that never precluded alliances with powerful clerics.
The Iranian constitution of , which established the modern constitutional monarchy, vested only symbolic power in the hands of the monarchy. Under the reign of Reza Shah, from to , a wise dictator and nation builder who assumed total authority with a measure of popular support, the monarchy ran the country. The young shah presided over a period of relative political openness marked by a freer press, the balance of power shifted back toward elected government, with the parliament and its appointed prime minister taking control of the country's affairs as the constitution had intended.
In , next to the prime minister, the unloved thirty-two-year-old shah, heir to a newly minted, unpopular dynasty conceived of by a Persian Cossack army officer, appeared a green inferiority of little promise. The shah observed Mossadegh's rise with anxiety. In the expansive popular support for the prime minister, he confronted his own vulnerability as an unpopular monarch backed only by his generals, the United States, and Britain. The two Western powers were incensed by Mossadegh's nationalization of Iranian oil, but they bided their time before launching a response.
In , they concluded that circumstances were auspicious for his overthrow. With nearly a million dollars at his disposal, he paid crowds in poor south Tehran to march in protest and bribed newspaper editors to run spurious headlines of swelling anti-Mossadegh discontent. In a neat four days, the ailing, adored prime minister was hiding in a cellar and the venal young shah was restored to power, famously thanking Kermit Roosevelt: The shah ordered a military trial for Mossadegh, and newspapers ran front-page photos of the fallen prime minister entering the crowded courtroom, his gaunt frame and aquiline features more striking than ever.
The judge handed down a death sentence but said he would reduce it to three years in prison, in tribute to the shah's superior mercy.
For those three years, Mossadegh languished in a central Tehran prison; afterward, he retired to his village of Ahmadabad, to spend his retirement responding to letters from his devastated and still loyal supporters. In later years, his replies, penned in his subtle, lucid handwriting, appeared framed in the offices of Iran's leading opposition figures, those who would a quarter century later thrust the shah from power in the revolution.
Twelve years before the coup that interrupted both Iranian history and their lives, my parents met and married in the fashion typical for Iranians of their generation: On a bright spring afternoon in , with the cool mountain breeze blowing across the ancient city of Hamadan, my father presented himself at my mother's family home to ask for her hand in marriage.
They were distant relatives, and had met several months earlier at the home of a second cousin. The family received him in the formal sitting room reserved for company, and my mother served tea and shirini the word means "sweets," and shares an origin with my name , peeking at my father's handsome profile while carefully pouring the cardamom-laced tea in the graceful manner long practiced for precisely this occasion. He fell deeply in love with her from the start, and to this day I have yet to see a man adore a woman more devotedly than he did my mother.
Throughout their long lives, he addressed her reverentially as Minu khanum, adding the formal Persian word for "lady" after her name, as though he feared familiarity would diminish his regard. She called him Mohammad-Ali Khan. When my mother was growing up, she dreamed of attending medical school and becoming a doctor. But before the day of the khastegari, the family roundly dismissed this possibility, on grounds that my mother scarcely had control over. As she entered adolescence, it escaped no one's notice that she was becoming a rather spectacular beauty. Had she been born a generation earlier, when it was unheard of for women to attend college, her luminous, fair skin and slender figure might have conferred some advantage in the only realm in which she could compete, the marriage bazaar.
Iran Awakening: A Memoir of Revolution and Hope: Shirin Ebadi: ywukakyzin.ml: Books
But for a young woman born in the late s, a time when patriarchy was slowly loosening its grip on Iranian society and a few women were being admitted into universities, her good looks were a liability to any ambition greater than marriage. She did not wear the veil, for her family was not so traditional as to insist that its girls cover their hair. But she did witness the banning of the hejab, as part of the modernization campaign launched by Reza Shah, who crowned himself king of Iran in Turning an expansive country of villages and peasants overnight into a centralized nation with railroads and a legal code was a complex task.
Reza Shah believed it would be impossible without the participation of the country's women, and he set about emancipating them by banning the veil, the symbol of tradition's yoke. Reza Shah was the first, but not the last, Iranian ruler to act out a political agenda--secular modernization, shrinking the clergy's influence--on the frontier of women's bodies.
Circumstance and era conspired to keep my mother from a university education, but at least she ended up marrying a man as unpatriarchal as could be imagined, for his time. My father was serene by temperament, controlled his anger without fail, and could never be provoked into raising his voice.